What is the point of equality anderson summary

    what is the point of equality anderson summary

    Gender equality

    Mar 27, †Ј The idea offers a framework for a rational argument between egalitarian and non-egalitarian ideas of justice, its focal point being the question of the basis for an adequate equality (Hinsch ). Albernethy, Georg L. (ed), , The Idea of Equality, Richmond: John Knox. Anderson, Elizabeth, , УWhat Is the Point of Equality. Robert Edward Lee (January 19, Ц October 12, ) was an American Confederate general best known as a commander of the Confederate States Army during the American Civil funslovestory.com led the Army of Northern Virginia from until its surrender in and earned a reputation as a skilled tactician.. A son of Revolutionary War officer Henry "Light-Horse Harry" Lee III, Lee was a top.

    Martin Luther King Jr. King advanced civil rights through nonviolence and civil disobedienceinspired by his Christian beliefs and the nonviolent activism of Mahatma Gandhi. He was the son of early civil rights activist Martin Luther King Sr. King participated in and led marches for blacks' right to how to ride ur man videodesegregationlabor rightsand other basic civil rights.

    King helped organize the March on Washingtonwhere he delivered his famous " I Have a Dream " speech on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. The SCLC put into practice the tactics of nonviolent protest with some success by strategically choosing the methods and places in which protests were carried out. There were several dramatic stand-offs with segregationist authorities, who sometimes turned violent. FBI agents investigated him for possible communist ties, recorded his extramarital affairs and reported on them to government officials, and, inmailed King a threatening anonymous letterwhich he interpreted as an attempt to make him commit suicide.

    On October 14,King won the Nobel Peace Prize for combating racial inequality through nonviolent resistance. Inhe helped organize two of the three Selma to Montgomery marches. In his final years, he expanded his focus to include opposition towards povertycapitalismand the Vietnam War. InKing was planning a national what was the fashion in 2004 of Washington, D. His death was followed by riots in many U.

    Allegations that James Earl Raythe man convicted of killing King, had been framed or acted in concert with government agents persisted for decades after what are the safest banks shooting. Day was established as a holiday in cities and states throughout the United States beginning in ; the holiday was enacted at the federal level by legislation signed by President Ronald Reagan in Hundreds of streets in the U.

    The Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial on the National Mall in Washington, D. King was born Michael King Jr. Shortly after marrying Alberta, King Sr. At his childhood home, King and his two siblings would read aloud the Bible as instructed by their father. He'd stand there, and the tears would run down, and he'd never cry. King became friends with a white boy whose father owned a business across the street from his family's home. King witnessed his father stand up against segregation and various forms of discrimination.

    King memorized and sang hymnsand stated verses from the Bibleby the time he was five years old. On May 18,when King had snuck away from studying at home to watch a parade, King was informed that something had happened to his maternal grandmother. In his adolescent years, he initially felt resentment against whites due to the "racial humiliation" that he, his family, and his neighbors often had to endure in the segregated South.

    Washington High Schoolwhere he maintained a B-plus average. While King was brought up in a Baptist home, King grew skeptical of some of Christianity 's claims as he entered adolescence. In high school, King became known for his public-speaking ability, with a voice which had grown into an orotund baritone.

    Especially since he was crazy about dances, and just about the best jitterbug in town. On April 13,in his junior yearKing gave his first public speech during an oratorical contestsponsored by the Improved Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks of the World in Dublin, Georgia. The finest negro is at the mercy of the meanest white man. Even winners of our highest honors face the class color bar.

    It was the angriest I have ever been in my life. During King's junior year in high school, Morehouse College Чan all-male historically black college which King's father and maternal grandfather had attended [65] [66] Чbegan accepting high school juniors who passed the school's entrance examination.

    In the summer before King started his freshman year at Morehouse, he boarded a train with his friendЧEmmett "Weasel" ProctorЧand a group of other Morehouse College students to work in Simsbury, Connecticut at the tobacco farm of Cullman Brothers Tobacco a cigar business.

    After we passed Washington there was no discrimination at all. The white people here are very nice. We go to any place we want to and sit any where we want to. He played freshman football there. The summer before his last year at Morehouse, inthe year-old King chose to enter the ministry. Throughout his time in college, King studied under the mentorship of its president, Baptist minister Benjamin Mayswho he would later credit with being his "spiritual mentor.

    Proctor who both went on to become well-known preachers in the black church. King became fond of the street because a classmate had an aunt who prepared collard greens for them, which they both relished. King once reproved another student for keeping beer in his room, saying they had shared responsibility as African Americans to bear "the burdens of the Negro race.

    The woman had been involved with a professor prior to her relationship with King. King planned to marry her, but friends advised against it, saying that an interracial marriage would provoke animosity from both blacks and whites, potentially damaging his chances of ever pastoring a church in the South. King tearfully told a friend that he could not endure his mother's pain over the marriage and broke the relationship off six months later.

    He continued to have lingering feelings toward the woman he left; one friend was quoted as saying, "He never recovered. InKing began doctoral studies in systematic theology at Boston University. William Hunter Hester. Hester was an old friend of King's father, and was an important influence on King. The young men often held bull sessions in their various apartments, discussing theology, sermon style, and social issues.

    King attended philosophy classes at Harvard University as an audit student in and An academic inquiry in October concluded that portions of his doctoral dissertation had been plagiarized and he had acted improperly. However, "[d]espite its finding, the committee said that 'no thought should be given to the revocation of Dr.

    King's doctoral degree,' an action that the panel said would serve no purpose. Powell asked fellow student Coretta Scott if she was interested in meeting a Southern friend studying divinity. Scott was not interested in dating preachers, but eventually agreed to allow Martin to telephone her based on Powell's description and vouching. On their first phone call, King told Scott "I am like Napoleon at Waterloo before your charms," to which she replied "You haven't even met me. After the second date, King was certain Scott possessed the qualities he sought in a wife.

    She had been an activist at Antioch in undergrad, where Carol and Rod Serling were schoolmates. King married Coretta Scott on June 18,on the lawn of her parents' house in her hometown of Heiberger, Alabama. In MarchClaudette Colvin Чa fifteen-year-old black schoolgirl in MontgomeryЧrefused to give up her bus seat to a white man in violation of Jim Crow lawslocal laws in the Southern United States that enforced racial segregation.

    King was on the committee from the Birmingham African-American community that looked into the case; E. Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue because the incident involved a minor. Nine months later on December 1,a similar incident occurred when Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat on a city bus.

    The how to download games on windows 8 pc ministers asked him to take a leadership role simply because his relative newness to what is the point of equality anderson summary leadership made it easier for him to speak out.

    King was hesitant about taking the role, but decided to do so if no one else wanted the role. The boycott lasted for days, [] and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed. Gayle that prohibited racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses. King's role in the bus boycott transformed him into a national figure and the best-known spokesman of the civil rights movement.

    The group was created to harness the moral authority and organizing power of black churches to conduct nonviolent protests in the service of civil rights reform. The group was inspired by the crusades of evangelist Billy Grahamwho befriended King, [] as well as the national organizing of the group In Friendship, founded by King allies Stanley Levison and Ella Baker. HarrisWalter E. FauntroyC. Harry Wachtel joined King's what is the point of equality anderson summary advisor Clarence B.

    Sullivan ; the case was litigated in reference to the newspaper advertisement " Heed Their Rising Voices ". Wachtel founded a tax-exempt fund to cover the suit's expenses and assist the nonviolent civil rights movement through a more effective means of fundraising. This organization was named the "Gandhi Society for Human Rights. He was displeased with the pace that President Kennedy was using to address the issue of segregation.

    InKing and the Gandhi Society produced a document that called on the President to follow in the footsteps of Abraham Lincoln and issue an executive order to deliver a blow for civil rights as a kind of Second Emancipation Proclamation.

    Kennedy did not execute the order. Kennedy when it began tapping King's telephone line in the fall of He warned King to discontinue these associations and later felt compelled to issue the written directive that authorized the FBI to wiretap King and other SCLC leaders.

    Edgar Hoover feared the civil rights movement and investigated the allegations of communist infiltration. King believed that organized, nonviolent protest against the system of how to repair leaking plastic gutters segregation known as Jim Crow laws would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights.

    Journalistic accounts and televised footage of the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by Southern blacks, and of segregationist violence and harassment of civil rights workers and marchers, produced a wave of sympathetic public opinion that convinced the majority of Americans that the civil rights movement was the most important issue in American politics in the early s.

    King organized and led marches for blacks' right to votedesegregationlabor rightsand other basic civil rights. The SCLC put into practice the tactics of nonviolent protest with great success by strategically choosing the methods and places in which protests were carried out. There were often dramatic stand-offs with segregationist authorities, who sometimes turned violent.

    On September 20,King was signing copies of his book Stride Toward Freedom in Blumstein's department store in Harlem [] when he narrowly escaped death.

    Izola Curry Чa mentally ill black woman who thought that King was conspiring against her with communistsЧstabbed him in the chest with a letter opener, which nearly impinged on the aorta.

    King received first aid by police officers Al Howard and Philip Romano. Cordice ; he remained hospitalized what are kilos to pounds several weeks. Curry was later found mentally incompetent to stand trial. Georgia governor Ernest Vandiver expressed open what is the point of equality anderson summary towards King's return to how to load paper into canon pixma printer hometown in late He claimed that "wherever M.

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    Mar 24, †Ј ЧRyan T. Anderson, PhD, is William E. Simon Fellow in the Richard and Helen DeVos Center, of the Institute for Family, Community, and Opportunity, at The Heritage Foundation. Gender equality, also known as sexual equality or equality of the sexes, is the state of equal ease of access to resources and opportunities regardless of gender, including economic participation and decision-making; and the state of valuing different behaviors, aspirations and . Equal opportunity is a state of fairness in which individuals are treated similarly, unhampered by artificial barriers or prejudices or preferences, except when particular distinctions can be explicitly justified. The intent is that the important jobs in an organization should go to the people who are most qualified Ц persons most likely to perform ably in a given task Ц and not go to.

    Improving the health status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is a longstanding challenge for governments in Australia.

    While there have been improvements made in some areas since the s notably in reducing high rates of infant mortality 1 overall progress has been slow and inconsistent. The inequality gap between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians remains wide and has not been progressively reduced. With a significant proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in younger age groups, there is an additional challenge to programs and services being able to keep up with the future demands of a burgeoning population.

    Unless substantial steps are taken now, there is a very real prospect that the health status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples could worsen. A steady, incremental approach will not reduce the significant health disparities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians.

    There is a need for commitments to a course of action, matched with significant funding increases over the next years, if there is to be real and sustainable change. This chapter outlines a human rights based campaign for achieving Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health equality within a generation. Such a goal is achievable through building on existing approaches to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health, by seizing opportunities that currently exist through the new arrangements on Indigenous affairs at the federal level and by capitalising on the overall healthy economic situation of the country.

    Ultimately, the purpose of such an approach is to ensure that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, along with all other Australian citizens, are able to enjoy 'the highest attainable standard of health conducive to living a life in dignity. The poor health status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is a well known fact.

    Substantial inequalities exist between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non-Indigenous Australians, particularly in relation to chronic and communicable diseases, infant health, mental health and life expectation. Governments of all persuasions have made commitments to address this situation over a prolonged period of time, accompanied with incremental funding increases.

    Governments have detailed strategies and national frameworks in place, developed through engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, which clearly articulate the need for a holistic address to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and acknowledge the complex interaction of issues.

    Yet despite all of this, what data exists suggests that we have seen only slow improvements in some areas of health status and no progress on others over the past decade. The gains have been hard-fought. But they are too few. And the gains made are generally not of the same magnitude of the gains experienced by the non-Indigenous population, with the result that they have had a minimal impact on reducing the inequality gap between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians.

    There are a number of disturbing trends among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples that reveal an entrenched health crisis. In particular, there remain:. On top of this, I fear that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples face substantial health problems which are often left undiagnosed, and hence untreated.

    These issues do not receive adequate attention in health frameworks and needs to be redressed. There are three main failings in the approach of Australian governments to date in addressing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health inequality. First, governments of all persuasions have not activated their commitments by setting them within an achievable time frame.

    Governments have instead left the achievement of equality to an unspecified future time. By doing so, all Australian governments have been unaccountable for progress in achieving health equality. Second, they have not matched their commitments with the necessary funds and program support to realise them.

    And third, while they have accepted in health frameworks the need to address Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in a holistic manner, they have not engineered their health programs consistent with this understanding nor considered the impact of their broader policy and program approach on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health.

    It is ten years since the Social Justice Commissioner has given detailed consideration to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health issues. The comments of my predecessor at that time, apply equally today. He stated that:. We have all heard them - the figures of death, and of disability Every few years, the figures are repeated and excite attention. But I suspect that most Australians accept them as being almost inevitable.

    A certain kind of industrial deafness has developed. The human element in this is not recognised. The meaning of these figures is not heard - or felt. The statistics of infant and perinatal mortality are our babies and children who die in our arms The statistics of shortened life expectancy are our mothers and fathers, uncles, aunties and elders who live diminished lives and die before their gifts of knowledge and experience are passed on. We die silently under these statistics.

    The gap between the numbers of our people who live and the number who should be alive is one measure of the inequality we have endured. The gap between the numbers living a healthy, socially-functional life and those living a life of pain, humiliation and dysfunction is another measure. They are both measures of our loss of elementary human rights. There should be no mistake that the state of Indigenous health in this country is an abuse of human rights. A decent standard of health and life expectancy equivalent to other Australians is not a favour asked by our peoples.

    It is our right - simply because we too are human. There is no reason for this to be happening. Evidence shows that dramatic improvements in health status can be achieved and that gains on many issues can occur within even short time frames.

    Other comparable countries have made greater progress in improving the health status of indigenous peoples than what we have achieved in Australia. And we must remember that we are a wealthy nation. If this funding is committed, then the expenditure required is then likely to decline thereafter. Aside from addressing obvious and vitally important issues of equality and fairness, a campaign to overcome Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health inequality will also result in significant future health savings.

    This is pertinent given that managing the health of an ageing general population is expected to place a significant extra financial burden on the health system over the coming decades. I noted in the introduction to the Social Justice Report my intention to focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health issues during and I stated that:. The issue is the same with both.

    Each of these frameworks has been agreed by the Commonwealth with the states and territories. They provide a detailed series of commitments and identify a range of areas that require attention. Both documents identify, from a human rights perspective, the key issues that must be addressed to improve Indigenous health.

    They are good, solid policy documents. And yet they have made very little difference to Indigenous health. It appears that the lack of progress can not be explained as a result of there not being any answers to the problems faced by Indigenous people - instead it appears to be a matter of taking the necessary steps to implement what are universally agreed solutions. In that report I suggested that we require a campaign for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health equality within our lifetime.

    This chapter details a framework for achieving this. It seeks to build on existing policy frameworks and to learn from current successes and failings. I consider it feasible for governments to commit to ensuring an equitable distribution of primary health care and equitable standards of health infrastructure such as water, sanitation, food and housing within a reasonable time period of no more than 10 years.

    It is equally feasible for governments to commit to the goal of achieving equality of health status and life expectation within the next generation approximately 25 years. This will also require a focus on specific diseases and conditions, an address to social determinants of health such as income, education and functional communities, and an address to the position of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australian society.

    I have developed this framework with five key factors in mind. First, it proposes a human rights based approach to addressing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health inequality.

    There have been significant developments in the international human rights system over the past decade that has demonstrated the clear link between human rights and health.

    As this chapter shows, a human rights based approach to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health creates an empowering environment for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and one which focuses on the accountability of governments to achieve improved outcomes within a reasonable time period.

    It is a framework with the potential to address the flaws of the current system. Second, it recognises that the inequality in health status endured by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is linked to systemic discrimination. Historically, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have not had the same opportunity to be as healthy as non-Indigenous people. This occurs through the inaccessibility of mainstream services and lower access to health services, including primary health care, and inadequate provision of health infrastructure in some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.

    The Royal Australasian College of Physicians describes these health inequities as 'both avoidable and sy stematic '. Third, it addresses the issue of how to make meaningful the stated commitments of governments. At the federal level, for example, the Ministerial Taskforce on Indigenous Affairs has identified Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health as a major priority. It has also set out its desire for there to be a year vision for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australia.

    That is exactly what this framework provides. Fourth, it addresses Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in a holistic manner reflecting both the social determinants of health inequality as well as the broader issues identified by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as impacting on their health. Finally, it seeks to build on both the opportunities and the challenges that have emerged with the recently introduced changes to the administration of Indigenous affairs at the federal level.

    There can be no issue that is more appropriate for applying a whole of government and holistic approach than Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health. I also consider that there is significant potential to utilise the new agreement making processes under these new arrangements namely, Shared Responsibility Agreements, Regional Participation Agreements and Bilateral Agreements between the Commonwealth and states and territories to achieve significant improvements in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health status, and to support Indigenous primary health care in particular.

    The term 'Health and life expectation equality' refers to statistical equality between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non-Indigenous Australians in relation to life expectation and across a range of health indicators. Health status equality has been the goal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy in Australia since 10 and remains so today.

    Equality of opportunity in relation to health means that different population groups have the same opportunity to be healthy.

    This is supported by the right to health, which:. The focus of the right to health is on health services and health infrastructure because these are the main ways a government can provide opportunities to be healthy.

    An equitable distribution of primary health care and an equal standard of health infrastructure should not be measured in terms of formal equality - that is that the same per capita resources are being devoted to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous health. It should be expected that greater per capita resources would need to be devoted to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health for at least the duration of the campaign I am proposing.

    Significant investment in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health is required to re-balance decades of under-investment. Also, until health and life expectation equality is achieved, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples will have greater health care needs than the non-Indigenous population. The remoteness of many communities will add to per capita expenditure.

    In the longer term, it can be expected that the per capita resources needed to be devoted to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health would decrease. This should result as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health status improves - reducing the demand on health services - and as the high costs of health infrastructure capital works give way to the lesser costs of maintenance. My call to address Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health inequality joins that of many others over recent years.

    As a nation, we have perhaps never been as well placed as we currently are to turn the current situation faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples around. We have the necessary commitments and mechanisms for whole of government coordination to achieve this. We have a historically large budget surplus, just a small fraction of which could lead to dramatic improvements in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' health status.


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